There’s a certain theory, popular in nationalist circles, according to which the Christian religion was fundamentally altered by adaptation to the barbarian cultures of early medieval Europe. Supposedly, Christianity entered northern Europe as a ‘world-denying’ Semitic priestly cult and ended up becoming a ‘life-affirming’ Germanic warrior creed, in much the same way as some jagged irritant in an oyster’s shell might be smoothed into a pearl by successive coatings of nacre. Thus, apparently, there need be no contradiction between the defence of Christian cultural heritage and a hostile attitude towards the actual religion, for all that is being defended is the cultural substance of Europe that attached itself to Christianity. It’s a principled argument for missing the point – for admiring, Narcissus-style, everything in the great Gothic cathedral other than the figure of Christ upon the Cross.1
The Anglo-Saxon poem Andreas looks at first glance like an item of evidence for this theory. It begins with these words, strongly redolent of the opening of Beowulf:
Hwæt we gefrunan on fyrndagum
Twelfe under tunglum tireadige hæleð
þeodnes þegnas…
(O how we have heard, in the elder days,
of twelve beneath the stars, thanes of the king,
Glory-blessed heroes…)
Yet after some more Beowulvian bombast about the clashing of war-standards and the hefting of shields in battle, it turns out that these twelve thanes are none other than the Twelve Apostles of Jesus. Their lord is the High King of Heaven (heofena heahcyning), and the cause in which they do valiant deeds is the carrying of the gospel to the gentiles. The poem will go on to unfold a heroic story in which St. Matthew (or Matthias) is imprisoned in a city full of cannibals, and must be rescued by St. Andrew by means of various miracles and divine interventions.
However, this is no repurposed Germanic legend, but a loose translation from a piece of early Christian apocrypha (which can be read here). Nor are the saints presented as engaging in warfare, or otherwise behaving as warriors, in ways that would deviate from the content of the original text. They preach the gospel, they suffer persecution, they pray, they perform miracles, and that is their thaneship and battle and heroism.
What we are seeing here, in my view, is not the alteration of Christian material but its translation into the Old English epic-poetic language. Since that language had not yet degenerated into an empty meter, but was still largely made up of fixed themes and formulas, this translation could not be accomplished by precise literalism. It depended on the reuse of inherited heroic material to narrate the deeds of the saints.2 And this required the poets to draw various analogies between the saintly and heroic paths – between the King of Heaven and the king of the hall, between suffering and battle, between conversion mission and military campaign, and so on.
This reliance on analogies may not be ideal, but it is basically viable, because there is in fact a natural analogy between saint and hero. These, after all, are the two ideal types suited to the two traditional ruling classes: the ‘priests’ who hold spiritual-intellectual authority and the ‘warriors’ who hold military-political power. Both possess a rare gravitas, stemming precisely from what is called ‘world-denial’ by the spiritually bourgeois, servile or feminine – that is to say, the willingness to face death, and the desire for some form of immortality over physical life. In sum, hero and saint have much more in common with each other than with the low hobbit-sentiment of nationalism that would tame the one and exterminate the other.3
That said, many of these analogies are worked out more subtly in other Anglo-Saxon religious poems, such as the Wanderer and Seafarer. The fact that Andreas has neither the finesse of these works, nor the Germanic verisimilitude of Beowulf, has caused it to be somewhat overlooked outside the academy. For that reason, it has (to my knowledge) never been translated in its original meter; so I have decided to fill that gap, with the help of a few references, having learned a few things about Old English and its poetic language from working through the entirety of Beowulf. So far I have completed the first ‘fitt’, or canto, reproduced in full below.
Note that while most lines contain four strong stresses (e.g. Such were that people’s unpeaceful ways), there is one six-stressed ‘hypermetric’ line (Destroyed with the sword’s edge, yet all despite in his breast), which I have flagged up by means of italic text. Note also that, although I have loosened up the rules of stave-rhyme by assimilating some sounds to others – such as th-sounds to t-sounds, v-sounds to f-sounds, and h- to vowel-sounds – I have opted not to use the full range of assimilations employed in previous posts. The leisure of literary composition allows for more precision.
Andreas (Fitt I)
O how we have heard, in the elder days, Of twelve beneath the stars; thanes of the king, Glory-blessed heroes. Their arms never failed In the tide of conflict, at the clash of standards, When they scattered as apportioned by their selfsame Lord, When the heavens' high King declared their lots. They were much-immortalized men upon earth, Valiant knights, when on the field of hosts Hands and shields helms defended, On the measuring-plain. Matthew was one, Who began amidst the Jews the gospel first In words to write with wondrous skill. The holy Lord to him the lot ordained To wend unto that wetland, where no man From a foreign homeland could a home enjoy, Or happiness either; the hands of murderers On the field of hosts would hurt him cruelly. All that borderland was bound in murder And enemies' treachery – that tribestead of men, That land of heroes. Not a loaf to feast on For the dwellers in that place; nor a drink of water Could be found to refresh them; but of flesh and blood, The skin and the bones of strangers come to them, That tribe partook. That was their custom: That each and every outlander They made unto their food, when meat they wanted, Whoever to that wetland from without did come. Such were that people's unpeaceful ways: By the violence of those savages the sight of one's eyes – By those bloodthirsty enemies – his head-jewels, Would be gouged out with spears by the ghastly-minded. Then they would mix for him a mordant brew – Warlocks through witchcraft – a wicked drink To overturn the wits and intelligence of men, And the hearts in their breasts. Their heads would be turned, So that never would they hanker after human joys – Those blood-greedy hardmen! – but hay and grass They would worry at in weariness for want of food. Then did Matthew to that town most famous Come within the city-walls. A clamour rose Through Mermedonia from the murderous gang – The tumult of the damned. Once the devil's thanes Had found out the errand of the highborn man, Then they marched against him – gore-spears toting, Swiftly under shields – not slow at all Were those furious spearmen the fight to seek. Then they the holy one's hands bound And fastened tightly with fiendish skill, Hell-ready heroes; and his head-set gems Destroyed with the sword's edge. Yet all despite in his breast, He praised in his heart heavendom's Guardian, Although he had partaken of the terrible poison. Resolute and blessèd, courageously He worshipped still in prayers the Prince of Glory, Heavendom's Guardian; in a hallowed voice From carcerating prison. Christ's greatness In the locker of his soul was set full fast. He then, weeping, with weary tears, To his Victory-Lord in a voice of sorrow, Addressed the Man-Chief in dire lament – Wealgiver of Hosts – these words he spake: "O how these strangers, with shackles of malice, A wicked web have woven me! For will of Thine On everywhich way, I have always been Eager in my heart; now in utter sorrow I must do all things like the dumb beasts. Thou only knowest the thoughts of men, Measurer of mankind; how moves each heart; If thy will be thus, Ward of Glory, That these breakers of faith with blades' edges, With swords, should slay me, I am straight prepared To endure whatever thing that Thou, my Lord, Goodsgiver of angels, to this homeless one, Thou Vanguard of veterans, see fit to deem. Grant me as a grace, God Almighty, Some light in this life; lest that I, Blinded in this fort-town by blade-harrowings, By hate-decrees of the carnage-hungry Hostile tribe-spoilers, thole too long Contemptuous insult. On Thee alone, O middle-earth's Guardian, do I ground my heart, My firm life-love. And Father of angels, Bliss-Giver bright, I bid that thee Will not to me apportion, among persecutors And wrong-wreaking criminals, the wretchedest – O Deemer of redoubtables – death upon earth." Afterwords was shown to him a sign of glory, Hallowed from heaven – like th' unhidden sun, Cast upon the prison – so 'twas clearly known That holy God had granted help. Then was heard the Heavenking's voice, Wondrous under welkin – the word-music Of the King renownèd to his noble thane In hard durance. Health and succour He proclaimed to the courage-famed in crystal tones: "O Matthew; I grant thee My friendship under heaven. Be not feared in heart, Nor mournful in mind. I'll remain with thee, And from these limb-fetters loose thee free, And all the multitude amongst thee there, In perilous oppression. To thee Paradise, The brightest of pleasances, the palace fairest, The home of all thy hopes, by the holies' might Is lucently unlocked – where the length of thy days Thou mayst partake of honours to content of thy heart. Thole this tribe's attacks; the time is not long In which those breakers of faith, in bonds of torment, Sinful ones, through wicked wiles, may sorely vex thee. I to thee urgently shall Andrew send, As shelter and as succour in this savage town; It is he who shall free thee from the hate of this folk. There's a measure of time until that hour Extending in sooth to seven and twenty Numbered nights, ere thou from knots of bonds, Vexed round with sorrows, victory-honoured, From downtroddenment mayst turn to protection of God." He left then, the Holy One, Lord of all beings, Creator of angels, for his uppermost Homeland-kingdom. He is King by right And steadfast Helmsman in every place.
Translation Notes
Two words, igland and hæleð, presented some difficulty. The first, according to Bosworth-Toller, means an ‘island’; but in North and Bintley’s edition of Andreas, from which I am working, it is pointed out that Mermedonia does not seem to be an island and is described elsewhere as a ‘borderland’ (mearcland). This of course puts one in mind of the region inhabited by Grendel and his mother in Beowulf, which is also geographically indeterminate (a moor? a fen? a mountain range?) and described as a borderland, and would seem to represent the abode of unhumans or savages in the Anglo-Saxon imagination. Noticing that ig can mean not only ‘isle’ but also ‘dry land in a marsh’ (see Wiktionary), I opted in the end for wetland, which can be conceived as low-lying land near a swamp or simply as land adjacent to water.
The second, hæleð, is related to German Held and usually translated as hero. It is frequently used for the Mermedonians, and I have no qualms about translating it as ‘heroes’ (a word that originally denoted greatness with no necessary connotation of goodness), but in one instance it is interjected in an awkward place and so I have opted for ‘hardmen’ to avoid confusion. North and Bintley suggest that the Andreas-poet uses the word satirically, as part of an anti-pagan riposte to the Beowulf-poet’s favourable view of heathen heroes, and point out many other instances in which the language of this poem seems to satirize that of Beowulf. ‘Seems’ is the operative word here, as the phrases may simply be those of the common and traditional word-hoard, but this possibility is one more reason to stick to the default translation of hæleð.
This theory is articulated at length in James C. Russell’s Germanization of Early Medieval Christianity. For an overview and critique of its contents, see here.
Another example would be the Heliand, written in Old Saxon (not the same as Old English) on the Continent with traditional heroic formulas reused in much the same way, suggesting that the hero-saint analogy came easily to Christians of Germanic heritage (and thus was no sophisticated literary conceit).
I should perhaps hasten to add here that I am of course no aspiring saint or hero, and much more inclined towards the ‘low hobbit-sentiment’ of the nationalists. What I cannot stand is the element of boorish nearsightedness that circumscribes their worldview, in which the saint is outlawed as a ‘logocentric’ threat to social order and the hero attenuated to a guard-dog of his ethnos (as opposed to the sort of wandering glory-seeker often found in Germanic mythology). It’s no wonder they are so culturally sterile.
Great points! Although I have to admit I clicked this post with some dread: my own substack was largely begun in order to set out my own thoughts on Andreas, and there's always the fear that those thoughts have been anticipated and rendered redundant by better thinkers. I'll offer them here in brief, in case you're interested:
Primarily I've been focusing on the use of 'enta geweorc' (and 'ent' more broadly) through Old English poetry & prose.
The thing I'm exploring right now, in a series of 3 posts, is that the expression 'ealdsweord eotonisc' sets up a nice opposition to 'enta geweorc'. The 'eotonish' weapons (which only appear 3 times, and only in Beowulf) are consistently used to turn the tide of some difficult battle in favor of the (young) hero: the sword Beowulf finds in Grendel's lair; the sword Wiglaf brandishes as he rushes to Beowulf's aid against the dragon; and the sword Eofor uses to kill Ongentheow.
'Entish' objects are, in contrast, usually associated with ruins or ruined gear, and are often somehow 'defensive' in nature. They are contemplated by exiles or old men. (Aelfric's version of Maccabees upends this somewhat, but I think there's a reason why.)
The paradigm is expressed succinctly in Beowulf 2979: 'ealdsweord eotonisc entiscne helm' - where (young) Eofor's eotonish sword crashes into (old) Ongentheow's entish helmet and kills the king.
One way this paradigm appears to be violated is in the use of 'enta aergeweorc' to refer to the lair-sword - but I argue that this is in fact not a difficulty, since the lair-sword is 'eotonisc' when it is wielded by the heroic Beowulf, but 'entisc' when it is 'broken' (as a hilt) and held by the old Hrothgar.
What this has to do with Andreas is that I see the poet - long recognized as somehow commenting on Beowulf - to be disturbing this paradigm. Only in Andreas do the 'enta geweorc' (the city streets and the pillar that unleashes the flood) act like 'eotonisc' things. The streets wound the saint; the pillar slays the Mermedonians. Of course, both of these woundings/slayings are themselves, in a typical Christian paradox, (re)vivifying and also self-concealing: the stones draw Andreas's blood, which sprouts blossoming groves that themselves cover the streets. The pillar floods the city and is itself never seen or mentioned again - yet it is the instrument through which a transformative conversion is worked. Entish stuff serves, in Andreas, like the eotonish swords in Beowulf: as instruments through which a victorious reversal of fortune is accomplished.
This sort of reading - in which Mermedonia is actually changed in the end, for the better - has been disputed recently by Hostetter (Political Appetites), in which he argues that Andreas sails off and leaves the Mermedonians 'starving' because the saint has deprived them of their human cattle. It's an audaciously materialist & reductive (mis)reading of a poem in which, yes, blossoming groves really did just spring up from saint's blood and the city has turned to gold. Anything to shoehorn in anti-colonialism, I guess?
Anyway, I do hope you'll continue to post your thoughts on the poem - there are so few people saying interesting things about it.
And I hope you'll keep translating it, too - even though I had recently considered trying my own version. (I need more practice, anyway, as is probably obvious from any of my posts.)